Quotes

Here are portions of six timely, timeless messages presented at Independence Hall on momentous occasions by Benjamin Franklin, George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, John F. Kennedy and George W. Bush. They cite Thomas Jefferson, Calvin Coolidge, Martin Luther King, Jr., and others.

Benjamin Franklin
from his final address to the Constitutional Convention at Independence Hall. At the time, Franklin was president of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania:

Sir, I agree to this Constitution, with all its faults, if they are such; because I think a general government necessary for us, and there is no form of government but what may be a blessing to the people if well administered; and I believe farther that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can only end in despotism as other forms have done before it, when the people shall become so corrupted as to need despotic government, being incapable of any other.

Franklin's final public act in 1790 was to submit to Congress, meeting in Independence Hall, a memorial 'recommending dissolution of the slavery system.' Franklin had spent nearly 60 of his 84 years actively attempting to abolish slavery, serving as the first president of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery.

President George Washington
from a letter marked "Mount Vernon, September 30, 1793," to his Attourney General Edmund Randolph, seeking to hire lodging for a visit to Independence Hall, the nation's capital:

Have you ever examined with attention, and with an eye to the case, whether the Constitution, or Laws of the Union, give power to the Executive to change the place of meeting of the Legislature in cases of emergency in the recess? for example, whether the spreading of the fever which is so fatal in Philadelphia, thereby endangering the lives of the members who might assemble there the first Monday in December next, is a case that would come under any provision in either. If you have not, I pray you to do it, and give me the result of your opinion.

Mr. Jefferson upon a superficial view of the subject, when here, thought there was no power in either to do this; but the Laws were not examined carefully, and the Constitution is, I believe, silent respecting it.

This letter underscores how the difference in philosophy between Federalists like Washington, Republicans like Jefferson and centrists like Randolph, affected day-to-day operations of government, discussing everything in detail before making a move. At the Constitutional Convention, Randolph had presented the Virginia Plan which became the basis for the US Constitution, then refused to sign the final form, but later promoted its ratification. A 1787 page from Washington's diary containing a drawing [JPEG] of Independence Hall also mentions Randolph and Franklin. Note that today, 208 years after the date of this letter, almost to the day, the current administration faced a similar situation [during the Anthrax letters], but the protocol and balance of powers issues had already been decided.

President Abraham Lincoln
from an extemporaneous speech on his way to take office in Washington, upon raising the flag at Independence Hall, February 22 (George Washington's Birthday), 1861. Washington's birthday is now celebrated jointly with Lincoln's as Presidents' Day):

I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here, in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of restoring peace to the present distracted condition of the country. I can say in return, Sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated and were given to the world from this hall... I have often inquired of myself what great principle of idea it was that kept this... so long together... that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but, I hope, to the world, for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men... Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world, if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it... I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, die by.

President John F. Kennedy
from his speech at Independence Hall, July 4, 1962:

It is a high honor for any citizen of our great Republic to speak at this Hall of Independence on this day of Independence... in a very real sense, you and I are the executors of the testament handed down by those who gathered in this historic hall 186 years ago today... For they gathered to affix their names to a document which was, above all else, a document not of rhetoric but of bold decision. It was, it is true, a document of protest-- but protests had been made before. It set forth their grievances with eloquence-- but such eloquence had been heard before. But what distinguished this paper from all the others was the final irrevocable decision that it took-- to assert the independence of free States in place of colonies, and to commit to that goal their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor.

Today, 186 years later, that Declaration whose yellowing parchment and fading, almost illegible lines I saw in the past week in the National Archives in Washington is still a revolutionary document. To read it today is to hear a trumpet call. For that Declaration unleashed not merely a revolution against the British, but a revolution in human affairs. Its authors were highly conscious of its worldwide implications. And George Washington declared that liberty and self-government everywhere were, in his words, 'finally staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.'

This prophecy has been borne out. For 186 years this doctrine of national independence has shaken the globe-- and it remains the most powerful force anywhere in the world today. There are those struggling to eke out a bare existence in a barren land who have never heard of free enterprise, but who cherish the idea of independence. There are those who are grappling with overpowering problems of illiteracy and ill-health and who are ill-equipped to hold free elections. But they are determined to hold fast to their national independence. Even those unwilling or unable to take part in any struggle between East and West are strongly on the side of their own national independence. If there is a single issue that divides the world today, it is independence-- the independence of Berlin or Laos or Vietnam; the longing for independence behind the Iron Curtain; the peaceful transition to independence in those newly emerging areas whose troubles some hope to exploit.

The theory of independence is as old as man himself, and it was not invented in this hall. But it was in this hall that the theory became a practice; that the word went out to all, in Thomas Jefferson's phrase, that 'the God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time.' And today this Nation-- conceived in revolution, nurtured in liberty, maturing in independence-- has no intention of abdicating its leadership in that worldwide movement for independence to any nation or society committed to systematic human oppression.

As apt and applicable as the Declaration of Independence is today, we would do well to honor that other historic document drafted in this hall-- the Constitution of the United States. For it stressed not independence but interdependence-- not the individual liberty of one but the indivisible liberty of all... In urging the adoption of the United States Constitution, Alexander Hamilton told his fellow New Yorkers 'to think continentally.' Today Americans must learn to think intercontinentally.

Acting on our own, by ourselves, we cannot establish justice throughout the world; we cannot insure its domestic tranquility, or provide for its common defense, or promote its general welfare, or secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. But joined with other free nations, we can do all this and more. We can assist the developing nations to throw off the yoke of poverty... We can mount a deterrent powerful enough to deter any aggression. And ultimately we can help to achieve a world of law and free choice, banishing the world of war and coercion.

On Washington's birthday in 1861, standing right there, President-elect Abraham Lincoln spoke in this hall on his way to the Nation's Capital. And he paid a brief but eloquent tribute to the men who wrote, who fought for, and who died for the Declaration of Independence. Its essence, he said, was its promise not only of liberty 'to the people of this country, but hope to the world . . . [hope] that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men, and that all should have an equal chance.'

On this fourth day of July, 1962, we who are gathered at this same hall, entrusted with the fate and future of our States and Nation, declare now our vow to do our part to lift the weights from the shoulders of all, to join other men and nations in preserving both peace and freedom, and to regard any threat to the peace or freedom of one as a threat to the peace and freedom of all. 'And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.'"

President George W. Bush
from his speech July 4, 2001, at Independence Hall, only 77 days before terrorists crashed commercial jetliners into the World Trade Center, the Pentagon and a field in Pennsylvania. The President's speeches following that event would remain true to the words he first spoke here— "The world still echoes with the ideals of America's Declaration. Our ideals have been accepted in many countries, and bitterly opposed by tyrants. They are the mighty rock on which we have built our nation. They are the hope of all who are oppressed. They are the standard to which we hold others, and the standard by which we measure ourselves. Our greatest achievements have come when we have lived up to these ideals. Our greatest tragedies have come when we have failed to uphold them."

Mr. Mayor, thank you very much. I appreciate so much your hospitality. Laura and I are honored to be here in Philadelphia. It's the perfect place to celebrate our nation's birthday...

Today we celebrate American independence, in the place of America's birth, close to a symbol of American liberty. As millions know, to see the Liberty Bell is a moving experience. In America we set aside certain places and treasures like this to protect them from the passing of the years. We grant them special care to mark a moment in time. Here in Philadelphia, these markers are all around us, reminders of our history.

This is a dynamic and modern city. Yet, if the founders, themselves were here, they would know the place. Benjamin Franklin and his wife could still find their way from here to the corner where they first saw each other, at Market and 4th. John Adams could make his way to City Tavern and show us the spot where he first shook the hand of George Washington. Thomas Jefferson would still find waiting for him the room where he drafted the Declaration of Independence.

And each of the founders, coming here, would know the ring of the Liberty Bell. It rang to announce the first public reading of the Declaration of Independence, 225 years ago. Those new citizens of a nation just four days old heard inspiring words, but not original thoughts. Our founders considered themselves heirs to principles that were timeless and truths that were self-evident.

When Jefferson sat down to write, he was trying, he said, to place before mankind "the common sense of the subject." The common sense of the subject was that we should be free. And though great evils would linger, the world would never be the same after July 4, 1776. A wonderful country was born, and a revolutionary idea sent forth to all mankind: Freedom, not by the good graces of government, but as the birthright of every individual. Equality, not as a theory of philosophers, but by the design of our Creator. Natural rights, not for the few, not even for a fortunate many, but for all people in all place, in all times.

The world still echoes with the ideals of America's Declaration. Our ideals have been accepted in many countries, and bitterly opposed by tyrants. They are the mighty rock on which we have built our nation. They are the hope of all who are oppressed. They are the standard to which we hold others, and the standard by which we measure ourselves.

Our greatest achievements have come when we have lived up to these ideals. Our greatest tragedies have come when we have failed to uphold them.

When Abraham Lincoln wondered whether civil war was preferable to permanent slavery, he knew where to seek guidance. Speaking in Independence Hall he said, "I have never had a feeling, politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence." The Declaration, Lincoln said, gave promise that in due time the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men and all should have an equal chance.

From the ideals in the Declaration came the laws and the Constitution, including the free exercise of religion. The Liberty Bell was originally cast to mark the 50th anniversary of William Penn's Charter of Privileges, the first guarantee of religious freedom in this commonwealth. Now, exactly three centuries after William Penn's charter, the founders would be pleased to see that we have respected this right of the people and the limitation on the government. They knew what dangers can follow when government either dictates or frustrates the exercise of religion.

Our founders would also be pleased to walk these streets again and to find, amid the problems of modern life, a familiar American spirit of faith and good works. They would see the signs of poverty and want, but also acts of great kindness and charity. They would see addiction and the wreckage it brings. But they would also see in the works of the religious groups and charities throughout this city the power that can rescue abandoned hopes and repair a broken life.

In a world very different from theirs they would see different kinds of hardships, fears, and suffering. Yet, they would also recognize the brotherly love that gave this city its name. Your Mayor and I have just come from an Independence Day celebration in North Philadelphia, organized by a great American named Herbert Lusk. (Applause.) Herb first came into prominence as an athlete. Today he is pastor of Greater Exodus Baptist Church. (Applause.) And its parishioners still like him. (Laughter and applause.) Herb's church is one of the hundreds of churches and synagogues and mosques in this city where worship of the Almighty is expressed in service to neighbors in need.

In every part of Philadelphia, caring people are doing the work of compassion. They teach boys and girls to read, as in a program called Youth Education for Tomorrow, where more than 20 faith-based literacy centers are producing great results for your city's children.

At the Jesus School in North Philadelphia, little Aneeisha Graham came a year ago, not knowing any letters of the alphabet. Today, at age 7, she reads at the 4th grade level. (Applause.) Aneeisha is with us today. It's great to see you, darling. Thank you for coming. (Applause.)

Other faith-based groups in this city operate shelters for the destitute and the homeless. They bring kindness and understanding to young women facing domestic violence or crisis pregnancies. They give time and attention to the children of prisoners. These are the kinds of citizens every society needs -- citizens who speak for the voiceless and feed the hungry and protect the weak and comfort the afflicted.

America's founding documents give us religious liberty in principle; these Americans show us religious liberty in action. Religious liberty is more than the right to believe in God's love; it is the right to be an instrument of God's love. (Applause.)

Such work is beyond the reach of government, and beyond the role of government. And those who hold positions of power should not be wary or hostile toward faith-based charities, or other community groups which perform important and good works. We should welcome their conviction and contribution in all its diversity.

So today I call on the United States Congress to pass laws promoting and encouraging faith-based and community groups in their important public work, and to never discriminate against them. (Applause.)

These soldiers in the armies of compassion deserve our support. They often need our support, and by taking their side we act in the best interests and tradition of our country. Without churches and charities, many of our citizens who have lost hope would be left to their own struggles and their own faith. And as I well know, they are not the only ones whose lives can be changed and uplifted by the influence of faith in God.

The founding generation discerned in that faith the source of our own rights -- a divine gift of dignity, found equally in every human life. Our nation has always been guided by a moral compass. In every generation men and women have protested terrible wrongs and worked for justice -- for the abolition of slavery, the triumph of civil rights; for the end of child labor, the equal treatment of women, and the protection of innocent life.

Not every reformer in our history has been religious, but many have been motivated by a scriptural vision in which "justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like an ever-flowing stream."

We welcome religion in our common life because it leads millions of Americans to serve their neighbor, and because it leads countless others to speak for justice -- from African American churches to Catholic bishops. Religious people said Dr. Martin Luther King should not be the servant of the state, nor the master of the state, but the conscience of the state.

In my inaugural address, I asked Americans to seek a common good beyond their comfort; to serve their nation, beginning with their neighbor. Today I urge Americans to consider what contributions we all can make -- and there's plenty work for us all. Every person can find another to help. Nearly every community of conscience and faith has more to share, and corporate and foundation America can give more and give wiser.

In this way, we all become more responsible citizens. And by extending to all the promise of America, we show an important kind of patriotism. Seventy-five years ago, our 30th President, the only President born on Independence Day, spoke words that apply to our time. Calvin Coolidge said, "We live in an age of science and of abounding accumulation of material things. These did not create our Declaration. Our Declaration created them. The things of the spirit come first." (Applause.)

On this 4th of July, 2001, a great anniversary of our nation's birth, and a great anniversary of religious liberty, we remember the ideals of America and the things of the spirit that sustain them. The Liberty Bell has been mostly silent for two centuries. And during the Revolution, it was unseen, hidden under the floorboards of a church in Allentown. Yet, even in silence, it has always borne one message, cast for the ages with the words of the Old Testament: Proclaim liberty throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof." In this place of history, we honor the first generation of Americans who followed those words. And we give thanks to the God who watched over our country then, and who watches to this very day.

Thank you, all. And may God bless America. [^top of page]

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